Jul 11, 2017 · He reportedly has a condition called spasmodic dysphonia, a neurological condition that the U.S. National Institutes of Health say affects muscles in the larynx, also known as the voice box.
Nov 08, 2009 · Robert Kennedy was the U.S. attorney general from 1961 to 1964 and a U.S. senator from New York from 1965 to 1968. A graduate of Harvard University and the
Mar 16, 2021 · Sixty-Fourth Attorney General 1961-1964. Robert Francis Kennedy was born in Boston, Massachusetts, on November 20, 1925. He served with the United States Naval Reserve from 1944 to 1946. He earned a B.A. degree from Harvard University in 1948, was a correspondent on The Boston Post, and in 1951 graduated from the University of Virginia Law …
Jun 05, 2015 · By U.S. News Staff. |. June 5, 2015, at 12:01 a.m. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy appears as a witness before a House Judiciary Subcommittee in Washington, May 17, 1961. Kennedy spoke in ...
Nov 08, 2021 · Featured. Robert Kennedy Jr is heading the anti-vaccine Worldwide Walkout and a recent speech drew attention to his voice, leaving viewers wondering what condition he suffers from. Robert Kennedy Jr is making headlines for leading the Worldwide Walkout against covid vaccine mandates. The movement began on 3 November 2021 with 200 cities ...
senator from New York from 1965 to 1968. A graduate of Harvard University and the University of Virginia School of Law, Kennedy was appointed attorney general after his brother John Kennedy was elected president in 1960. In this role, Robert Kennedy fought organized crime and worked for civil rights for African Americans. In the Senate, he was a committed advocate of the poor and racial minorities , and opposed escalation of the Vietnam War. On June 5, 1968, while in Los Angeles campaigning for the Democratic presidential nomination, Kennedy was shot. He died early the next day at age 42.
Robert Francis Kennedy was born on November 20, 1925, in Brookline, Massachusetts, the seventh of nine children of Joseph P. Kennedy Sr., a wealthy financier, and Rose Kennedy, the daughter of a Boston politician. Kennedy spent his childhood between his family’s homes in New York; Hyannis Port, Massachusetts; Palm Beach, Florida; and London, ...
In 1964, Jimmy Hoffa was convicted of jury tampering and fraud. As attorney general, Kennedy also supported the civil rights movement for African Americans.
On June 17, 1950, Robert Kennedy married Ethel Skakel of Greenwich, Connecticut. The couple had 11 children: Kathleen, Joseph II, Robert Jr., David, Courtney, Michael, Kerry, Christopher, Max, Douglas and Rory, who was born six months after her father’s death. The family lived at an estate called Hickory Hill in McLean, Virginia.
After John F. Kennedy was elected president in November 1960, he named his brother Robert Kennedy as America’s 64th attorney general. In this role, Kennedy continued to battle corruption in labor unions, as well as mobsters and organized crime. In 1964, Jimmy Hoffa was convicted of jury tampering and fraud.
Artist: Robert Francis Kennedy was born in Boston, Massachusetts, on November 20, 1925. He served with the United States Naval Reserve from 1944 to 1946. He earned a B.A. degree from Harvard University in 1948, was a correspondent on The Boston Post, and in 1951 graduated from the University of Virginia Law School.
From 1957 to 1960 Kennedy was chief counsel of the Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in the Labor or Management Field.
A: Well, I don't think you can take all fields together. The most important adviser in defense is the Secretary of Defense, or in foreign affairs it is Mr. Rusk. I might be brought into some of these areas when the President is listening to a large number of people. The President decides what he's going to do.
A: Yes, we discuss things . You know, we were brought up having an interest in government, having an interest in foreign affairs and in domestic matters. Over many years we discussed all of these matters all the time.
A Yes. First, if he will present all the facts, in many areas he can get a letter giving the Department's view of his plans. Second, we say that, based on the facts as outlined, the company can or cannot go ahead with a proposal. If our word isn't good on that basis, we should go out of business.
A: First, no one from this Department enters anyone's office without their express permission. So there was no FBI agent in any company office unless he was told that he should enter.
A: It depends on how complicated the deal is. But this happens continuously. Hardly a day goes by that requests of this kind do not come to the Department of Justice. We try to act as quickly as is necessary in each situation. We have given antitrust letters in a day in exceptional circumstances.
Mr. Kennedy knew why not. Because as the law of the Fifth Amendment stands, a witness is not permitted to plead it selectively. If he answers some questions, he loses the Amendment’s protection in respect to all other connected ones and must answer them also. And if he wishes to exercise his judgment in the course of a hearing and decide that a given question is so remotely connected to other ones that he should answer it, he does so at his peril. Hence such exchanges as:
The sum of it all is that Mr. Kennedy appears to find congenial the role of prosecutor, judge and jury, all consolidated in his one efficient person. At any rate, we know that he played it lustily when no extrinsic restraint prevented. There is no warrant whatever for impugning his motives. No doubt he sought to serve the public interest as he saw it. The question is merely how truly he sees it. And the answer on the record is that he has tunnel vision; he sees the public interest in terms of ends with little appreciation of the significance of means. Mr. Kennedy, performing the thoroughly legitimate functions of a legislative investigation was able to convince himself that Beck and Glimco and Hoffa et al. were very bad men who should be destroyed. It was apparent to him that he was in a position to accomplish their destruction, and so he went ahead and tried. He rather thought that Joe Louis deserved a reprieve, and so he stayed his hand. It never gave him pause that his power had been confided to him for other purposes, and that the inner restraint of this realization was relied upon to preserve the integrity of the intricate and ancient process that our government owes those on whom it visits its punitive force.
THE BECK CASE. This was the younger Kennedy’s earliest triumph. By March 26, 1957, evidence had been collected tending to show that Dave Beck, president of the Teamsters’ Union, had misappropriated some $320,000 of union monies to his personal use. Now Beck was on the stand, and he was pleading the Fifth Amendment. Beck was a very big fish, and the Senators themselves, not excluding the late Joseph R. McCarthy in somewhat subdued form, each had their go at him. When Beck returned the next day, Ghief Counsel Kennedy put to him what the committee’s evidence tended to show. Beck kept pleading the Fifth Amendment formula, and Mr. Kennedy kept asking him whether he really felt that a truthful answer might incriminate him. Did Beck have enough guilty knowledge of the money in question, Mr. Kennedy pursued, to be justified in feeling that a truthful answer would incriminate him? A plea of the Fifth Amendment allows no room for denying this inference, All Beck was at liberty to say was that, yes, he felt an answer might incriminate him. “I feel the same way,” said Mr. Kennedy, underscoring the inference with all the power at his command. As the session dragged on. Chairman McGlellan interrupted to say that he had “conferred with chief counsel with respect to some other matters that this witness should be interrogated about. It is anticipated that we will get the same kind of response that we have been getting. But just so the public will know that there is more, and yet more, I am going to indulge this session a little longer so that counsel may ask some of these very pertinent questions and let the witness continue to take the Fifth Amendment.”
Mr. Kennedy and the McClellan Committee often—though not always—held hearings for the sole purpose of accusing, judging and condemning people. What other purpose can be assigned to the relentless, vindictive battering of a Glimco or a Beck with evidence that was already in the record and to which neither was adding one iota? Mr. Kennedy, who is sensitive to this point, says in his book that, after all, a witness might sometime abandon the Fifth Amendment and start answering. No one who had listened to Glimco For two minutes at his first hearing could possibly believe that. And as to Beck, Senator McClellan, as he himself disclosed, quite early gave up any such hope. Besides, what is one to make of the way both the Senator and Mr. Kennedy took it upon themselves to denounce Glimco at the end? This was the language of a judge passing sentence, not of legislators looking for facts to guide them in their law-making.
Kennedy is certain of. More than any other executive officer, he is required to regard means as above ends, process above result. The Attorney General exercises the only civilian control over the FBI, whose vast files contain much unprocessed “knowledge.” He presides as a judge—very often as a court of last resort—over myriad deportation cases. He decides in uncontrolled discretion whom to prosecute and when, and that is a quasi-judicial function. On the record, Robert F. Kennedy is not fit for the office.
On May 2, Beck was indicted for income tax evasion. , On May 8, he was recalled by the McClellan Committee. His new counsel, Edward Bennett Williams, asked that Beck’s appearance be deferred until after his trial. He pointed out that almost any question having to do with Beck’s financial affairs would be germane to the subject matter of the indictment, and that Beck would be put to the cruel choice of helping the government win its criminal case against him either by giving it a preview of his defense or by enabling it to draw unfavorable inferences from a repeated plea of the Fifth Amendment. Moreover, as a federal court had recently pointed out, by proceeding at this time with full publicity, the Committee would effectively preclude selection of an impartial jury for Beck’s trial; prospective jurors, after all, could scarcely escape hearing from one source or another what a bad man Beck was. If the Committee insisted on proceeding, Williams concluded, he would make the best of a very bad choice by advising Beck to take the Fifth.
Robert Kennedy was attorney general during his brother John F. Kennedy's administration. He later served as a U.S. Senator and was assassinated during his run for the presidency.
After managing his brother John's presidential campaign, Robert Kennedy was appointed attorney general of the United States in 1960. As attorney general, he fought organized crime and was a key supporter of the Civil Rights Movement. After JFK's assassination, Robert was elected to the U.S. Senate representing the state of New York.
Raised as devout Roman Catholics, Robert and his seven siblings enjoyed a life of wealth and privilege. Among Kennedy’s older brothers was future U.S. President John F. Kennedy. When Robert’s father, Joseph Sr., became a U.S. ambassador to Britain, the family moved to England.
Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis, noted for her style and elegance, was the wife of President John F. Kennedy and a U.S. first lady. After Kennedy's death, she married Greek shipping magnate Aristotle Onassis.
When JFK was elected, Robert was made U.S. attorney general and became one of JFK’s closest cabinet advisors. When JFK was assassinated in 1963, Robert resigned as attorney general the following September and announced his intent to run for a senate seat.
In 1954 Kennedy joined the Senate’s Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations as chief counsel for the Democratic minority. Kennedy aptly expressed his approach to helping minorities achieve equal rights in a speech to South African students: “Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those ripples build a current that can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance."
July 3, 2008— -- When Robert Kennedy Jr. appeared on "Larry King Live" Monday, he hoped to gain attention for energy conservation. But as the public listened to his stilted, strained voice, he also drew attention to another cause.
Rappaport started avoiding words that began with "h," "ch," "k" or "c" -- a difficult task in English. She had never heard of spasmodic dysphonia at the time, and physicians kept telling her the problem was psychological, especially since she was getting a divorce.
She would get an argument from Martin Luther King Jr., whose telephone was wiretapped with the approval of Atty. Gen. Robert F. Kennedy. (He thought King might be working for the Kremlin.) Nor did RFK let his deep respect for constitutional rights get in the way of his crusade against organized crime. Advertisement.
The truth is roughly the opposite. On his watch, criminals went free precisely because the government had abused their rights. Dozens of cases against organized-crime figures were lost because the FBI's evidence came from illegal methods. Most of the blame for that lies with Hoover, but it was Kennedy who refused to rein him in.
Janet Reno had chronically chilly relations with Bill Clinton because she took that obligation too seriously for her boss' taste.
But "evidence strongly suggests that RFK was not speaking truthfully," concluded Evan Thomas in his 2000 biography. One Kennedy aide told Thomas, apparently with a straight face, "He became a civil libertarian later.". But maybe you don't learn inconvenient facts like that at family gatherings in Hyannisport, Mass.
RFK does deserve credit for putting the federal government on the side of the civil-rights movement. But honest liberals don 't deny Bobby's dark side, which was most conspicuous when he was attorney general.
That duty forced him to tolerate the lawless excesses of FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, who, as RFK knew, had a thick file of embarrassing information about the president's sexual conquests. These included a reckless affair with the mistress of Chicago mobster Sam Giancana. Even in 1968, when he was running for president and rival Democrat Eugene McCarthy vowed to fire Hoover, Kennedy lacked the nerve to do likewise.