The frustration with Garland has built steadily over the past 12 months. Recently, the polite Garland-nudging by Democratic politicians and media pundits has given way to a ferocious anger at ...
The U.S. attorney general is facing pressure to charge the former president with a crime over January 6, but doing so may result in unprecedented backlash according to an expert.
The evidence is clear. It’s time to prosecute the former president, and Merrick Garland shouldn’t wait.
In his opening statement before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Garland will say, “If confirmed, I will supervise the prosecution of white supremacists and others who stormed the Capitol on ...
Photo Illustration by Kristen Hazzard/The Daily Beast/GettyThe Department of Justice announced this week that it would crack down on airline passengers who throw tantrums. Now, if Attorney General Merrick Garland would only get around to doing something about people who plot the overthrow of our government and a former president who's serially obstructed justice and abused power we might be ...
He pressured his acting attorney general, Jeffrey Rosen, to open an investigation of purported fraud in the vote count in Georgia , even though there was no evidence of such wrongdoing. In one call, Trump apparently directed Rosen to "just say the election was corrupt, [and] leave the rest to me."
Investigations of presidential wrongdoing, by Congress and others, are wise and even necessary. But actual prosecutions are not, and Donald Trump should be the beneficiary of this tradition, even if he himself would surely not offer such grace to others.
But what about a conspiracy "to defraud the United States," which does not require proof of an underlying offense? According to Justice Department policy, the government will only bring such a charge if the defendant "made statements that he/she knew to be false, fraudulent or deceitful to a government agency, which disrupted the functions of the agency or of the government."
Federal criminal prosecutions can take place only pursuant to specific statutes, so it's worth analyzing some of the laws that critics say Trump may have violated.
Notwithstanding the Hatch Act, presidents and their staffs have engaged in partisan political activities since the birth of the Republic. And Trump could argue that he was not ordering Rosen to engage in political activity, but rather to enforce the law. Again, this criminal provision has rarely been invoked, and it seems unfair to raise it in connection with Trump's dealings with his acting attorney general.
The memo obtained by CREW explains the legal reasoning behind Attorney General Barr’s suspect claim that “the evidence developed during the Special Counsel’s [Robert Mueller’s] investigation is not sufficient to establish that the president committed an obstruction-of-justice offense.”.
Documents show, for instance, that Engel edited Barr’s prepared testimony for his confirmation hearing in the Senate Judiciary Committee as well as a letter to Chairman Lindsey Graham in which Barr confirmed that he had shared the memorandum and discussed his views on obstruction with multiple DOJ and White House officials as well as personal counsel to the president.
The Mueller report catalogued numerous instances in which President Trump may have obstructed the Russia investigation, including by asking associates to curtail it or to fire the special counsel. The memo obtained by CREW explains the legal reasoning behind Attorney General Barr’s suspect claim that “the evidence developed during the Special Counsel’s [Robert Mueller’s] investigation is not sufficient to establish that the president committed an obstruction-of-justice offense.” The memorandum is also presumably the supposed vindication of President Trump’s claim, after Barr’s announcement, that there was “No Collusion, No Obstruction, Complete and Total EXONERATION.”
In response to ongoing litigation involving a Freedom of Information Act request by Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, DOJ turned over a heavily redacted version of one of the most important legal documents the American people have never seen: the official grounds for not char ging Trump with obstruction of justice.
Another possibility is that the memorandum contributes to a body of evidence suggesting that Barr was hand-picked by Trump to discredit and undermine the eventual findings of the Special Counsel —especially with respect to the obstruction case against the president. In the summer preceding Barr’s nomination to run DOJ, Barr penned a lengthy memorandum asserting that Mueller’s theory of obstruction of justice was “fatally misconceived.” Barr sent this letter to a number of individuals, including attorneys for the president, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, and Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Legal Counsel Stephen Engel. The secret March 24, 2019 memorandum recommending Trump not be charged was authored in part by Engel and approved by Rosenstein.
Other countries’ former presidents are being investigated, prosecuted and even jailed worldwide.
Strong democracies are usually competent enough – and the judicial system independent enough – to go after politicians who misbehave, including top leaders. Sarkozy is France’s second modern president to be found guilty of corruption, after Jacques Chirac in 2011. The country didn’t fall apart after Chirac’s conviction.
Overzealous political prosecution is more likely, and potentially more damaging, in emerging democracies where courts and other public institutions may be insufficiently independent from politics.
Mexico has a different approach to prosecuting past presidents: It doesn’t do it.
Relatedly, Biden must also decide who will be the ultimate decision-maker on any investigation or prosecution: the president himself or the attorney general. Biden would be well within his legal rights, and within the norms of apolitical law enforcement, were he to directly instruct the attorney general not to investigate or prosecute Trump ...
According to NBC, “Biden has raised concerns that investigations would further divide a country he is trying to unite.”. He “believes investigations would alienate the more than 73 million Americans who voted for Trump.”.
One plausible reading of these statements is that Biden does not want a criminal investigation of Trump or people close to him, but that he wants his attorney general to be seen as the one who made this decision.
Biden has not made an explicit statement on the matter, but he may have already publicly signaled his views on both of these issues. During a Democratic primary debate in November 2019, he was asked whether he would order an investigation of Trump, if elected. Biden responded:
Thus it would be appropriate for President Biden to direct the Justice Department to drop any investigations of Trump or his family and close associates, assuming he were motivated by concerns in the public interest. But Biden has not indicated that he plans to take this path.
Perhaps most relevant to the Trump situation, President Gerald Ford issued a blanket pardon to his predecessor, Richard Nixon, for Watergate and any other federal crimes that Nixon may have committed. Although some charged then (and now) that Ford may have made a “corrupt bargain” with Nixon—Nixon would resign and allow Ford, the vice president, ...
It is possible that Biden thinks criminal enforcement against Trump and his circle would be a bad idea, but that he is genuinely open to the attorney general disagreeing with him and pursuing an investigation or prosecution. Second, Trump may use the pardon power in ways that change Biden’s or his attorney general’s thinking.
He pressured his acting attorney general, Jeffrey Rosen, to open an investigation of purported fraud in the vote count in Georgia , even though there was no evidence of such wrongdoing. In one call, Trump apparently directed Rosen to "just say the election was corrupt, [and] leave the rest to me."
Investigations of presidential wrongdoing, by Congress and others, are wise and even necessary. But actual prosecutions are not, and Donald Trump should be the beneficiary of this tradition, even if he himself would surely not offer such grace to others.
But what about a conspiracy "to defraud the United States," which does not require proof of an underlying offense? According to Justice Department policy, the government will only bring such a charge if the defendant "made statements that he/she knew to be false, fraudulent or deceitful to a government agency, which disrupted the functions of the agency or of the government."
Federal criminal prosecutions can take place only pursuant to specific statutes, so it's worth analyzing some of the laws that critics say Trump may have violated.
Notwithstanding the Hatch Act, presidents and their staffs have engaged in partisan political activities since the birth of the Republic. And Trump could argue that he was not ordering Rosen to engage in political activity, but rather to enforce the law. Again, this criminal provision has rarely been invoked, and it seems unfair to raise it in connection with Trump's dealings with his acting attorney general.